Colonial legacy of the principle of intangibility of borders and its endless effects.
In this article, I will explore the colonial legacy of the principle of intangibility of borders and its far-reaching impact, particularly on Africans—most notably, Rwandans and Congolese Rwandophones. Through this lens, I seek to unpack how historical boundary-making continues to shape present-day conflicts and identity struggles in our region.
The
African states that gained official independence were quick to set up
structural and politico-legal frameworks that strongly contributed to
perpetuating and reinforcing the heavy legacy of the borders inherited from colonization.
Thus, in their various fundamental laws, all post-independent African states
maintain the “intangible character” of the borders inherited from the colonial
era. It could therefore be said that the legal framework of post-colonial
states constitutes a springboard for the legalization of borders that were
nonetheless drawn by colonial arbitrariness. Similarly, one could note, not
without a certain amount of bitterness, that this question of “African borders”
has not really been included in the structural construction agenda of the young
post-independent African nations.[1]
As
African nations emerged from colonial rule, a fierce debate unfolded over their
imposed borders. The revisionists saw these boundaries as unnatural and
problematic, arguing that Africa’s political and economic struggles stemmed
from the colonial state system, which failed to reflect indigenous realities.
They called for a reconfiguration of borders to resolve tensions and promote
stability. The anti-revisionists, however, took a pragmatic stance, warning
that border changes could unleash even greater chaos and violence. Their
position resonated more with African leaders and departing colonial powers,
culminating in the adoption of the OAU’s principle of territorial integrity in
1963. This decision cemented the colonial borders, ensuring that Africa’s fragmented
map would remain unchanged despite its historical contradictions.[2]
Dr./
Hamid Zaidi in his paper intitled PRINCIPLE OF THE INTANGIBILITY OF COLONIAL
BORDERS IN THE FACE OF THE CHALLENGES OF LEGAL AND POLITICA STABILITY OF THE
STATES OF NORTH AFRICA[3],
showed that the principle of the intangibility of colonial borders is a well-
established principle in international relations. It is considered an
imperative norm of international law or, in other words, a jus cogens norm in
contemporary international law, it is the most appropriate means for the
settlement of border disputes and regional. "Uti Possidetis Juris
(UPJ)" means "the principle of the intangibility of borders inherited
from at the time of independence" is a principle of customary international
law that serves to preserve the boundaries of colonies emerging as States;
strict application of this principle is the only guarantee of peace, security
and stability in the continent of Africa.
The
principle of the intangibility of borders, also known as uti possidetis juris,
means that newly independent states should inherit the borders of their former
colonial administrative divisions, aiming to prevent territorial disputes and
maintain stability. Which is what happened in the case of Rwanda and DRCongo,
where Rwandans who were living on their own land found themselves being in
another country and they started calling them strangers. The Organization of African Unity (OAU), now
the African Union (AU), formally adopted the principle of respecting the
intangibility of borders in its Constitutive Act, with Article
4(b) stating that one of the principles of the Union is "respect of
borders existing on achievement of independence".[4]
The
fact the African Union a body that aimed to promote the African unity didn’t
put much efforts in addressing the issue of boarders drawn by colonizers and
call it to respect independence of borders, this shows the weakness of the
organ.
Long
before colonial rule reshaped Africa’s borders, boundaries were fluid and
dynamic. Across the continent, different groups had their own ways of defining
territorial limits. Some, like the Masai and Tuareg, moved freely across
regions, barely recognizing fixed frontiers. Others, such as the Yoruba states
and Buganda, maintained active contact with neighboring communities, forming
zones of interaction. Meanwhile, vast forests and deserts separated certain
regions, acting as natural barriers where no single group claimed authority.
However, these frontiers were never static. African history was marked by
expansionist wars, religious movements, and shifting alliances that
continuously redrew the map. The 19th century saw aggressive conquests, such as
the Mfecane in the south and Fulani jihads in the west, further altering
boundaries. But with colonization, European powers imposed artificial borders,
disrupting the natural evolution of Africa’s territorial divisions.[5]
Dr
Lonzen Rugira in his article he showed the effects of he called the Birlinian
challenge.[6] ‘’In its conflict with the
DRC, Rwanda is driven by a refusal to tolerate the uniqueness of the manner in
which the Berlinian challenge manifests itself along its border, and the
decision by Congo’s leaders to weaponize it’’. He went on showing that, Colonialism
left Africa with an enduring problem: borders drawn without regard for the
people who lived within them. These arbitrary divisions resulted in states that
were either too expansive for weak governments to control or too small to
survive economically. Unlike in other parts of the world where borders evolved
naturally, Africa’s statehood was imposed and deemed final. But people do not
easily accept imposed identities, and the consequences have been profound.
Across the continent, groups seek to either break away from their current
states or merge with their ethnic kin in neighboring countries. This has placed
an immense burden on African leaders, whose primary challenge is to unify their
nations despite these grievances. Some, like Julius Nyerere, successfully
fostered national identity, while others barely managed to hold their states
together. At the worst extreme, Rwanda’s leadership in the years leading up to
the genocide did not just fail to unify the country—it actively promoted
division and violence. The lessons of Rwanda serve as a grim reminder of what
happens when states fail to manage internal tensions, a lesson that continues
to shape Africa’s political landscape today.
Colonial
powers often shaped African borders based on convenience rather than fairness.
When Germany first accepted a meridian line as the border with the Congo Free
State, it seemed like a straightforward division. However, as more information
about local geography and historical boundaries emerged, Germany realized that
parts of Rwanda extended west of this line. Seeking to realign the border with
natural features, Germany argued for Lake Kivu and the Rusizi River as the true
frontier. This claim was eventually accepted, reinforcing the idea that natural
and ethnic boundaries should be respected—at least when it served European
interests. While Germany and Britain framed their actions as upholding fairness,
their push for natural borders was, in reality, a calculated move to gain an
advantage over the Congo Free State.[7]
The
case of DRC and Rwanda challenges the notion that African borders were entirely
arbitrary.[8] Water bodies played a
crucial role in shaping territorial claims, contradicting a strong version of
the arbitrary borders’ thesis. While colonial powers made strategic adjustments
based on local features, they were primarily guided by geopolitical interests
rather than indigenous considerations. The competition for access to water
bodies—especially lakes and rivers—was a defining factor in the formation of
borders. For instance, the Congo River was central to European rivalries,
triggering the Berlin Conference itself. Similarly, Lake Kivu and the Ruzizi
River, which form part of the present-day DRC-Rwanda border, were not randomly
selected but based on historical territorial alignments. Germany, upon
realizing that Rwanda extended beyond its originally agreed meridian boundary,
sought to shift its claim to these natural frontiers, a move that was
ultimately accepted. This demonstrates that European powers incorporated
geographic features into border demarcations, albeit for strategic reasons
rather than for the benefit of African populations.
The
principle of intangibility of borders is no longer useful and it doesn’t match
with the new direction of Africa. Colonizers never wanted to see a united Africa,
that’s why they divided it. By dividing Africa in smaller nations and creating big
countries like DRCongo for the purposes of stealing natural resources, rearranging
borders without considering the reality led to some effects we still face today.
As Takele Uma Banti, former Ethiopian
Minister of Minerals and Energy, argues in his article 'It is time for a new
Africa beyond borders and boundaries' (published by Al Jazeera), Africa's
urgent priority should be continental integration. He emphasizes the need to
remove barriers to labor and capital mobility, accelerate the AfCFTA, and
establish a 'Made in Africa' economic corridor. Despite Africa's vast
potential, post-colonial borders and governance models continue to hinder
progress, fostering conflicts and economic disparities. While redrawing borders
is impractical, he urges leaders to rethink strategies for achieving unity,
questioning whether it should be driven from the top down or through grassroots
engagement.
Conclusion
The
principle of the intangibility of colonial borders has been a cornerstone of
Africa's geopolitical and socio-economic framework since independence.
Initially designed to prevent territorial conflicts, its rigid application has
instead entrenched divisions, fueled identity struggles, and contributed to
regional instability—particularly in countries like Rwanda and the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. The enforcement
of borders drawn without regard for indigenous peoples' identities and
realities has left many African communities in a state of political and social
limbo, reinforcing historical grievances and exacerbating inter-state tensions.
As
Africa confronts the challenges of the 21st century, it is essential to
critically examine the limitations of the colonial borders inherited at
independence. While a wholesale redrawing of these borders may be unfeasible,
Africa must pursue pragmatic and legal solutions to foster greater regional
integration, economic cooperation, and policies that prioritize human
connections over artificial divisions. The African Union, as the premier
continental body, must step up to address these colonial legacies, promoting a
vision of unity that transcends borders while ensuring stability, peace, and
sustainable development.
The
time has come for African nations to redefine their collective future—not by
revisiting past conflicts, but by crafting an inclusive, forward-thinking
vision that embraces cooperation, economic unity, and the recognition of shared
interests. Africa must reclaim its territorial and political destiny, not as a
continuation of colonial legacies, but as a unified continent capable of
self-determination and progress.
[1] https://rsisinternational.org/journals/ijriss/articles/african-colonial-borders-fragmentation-and-integration-1960-2011/
[3] Dr./
Hamid Zaidi, ‘’ PRINCIPLE OF THE INTANGIBILITY OF COLONIAL BORDERS IN THE FACE
OF THE CHALLENGES OF LEGAL AND POLITICA STABILITY OF THE STATES OF NORTH AFRICA’’.
file:///C:/Users/HP/Downloads/principle-of-the-intangibility-of-colonial-borders-in-the-face-of-the-challenges-of-legal-and-political-stability-of-the-states-of-north-africa.pdf
[4]CONSTITUTIVE
ACT OF THE AFRICAN UNION, Article 4(b), https://au.int/sites/default/files/pages/34873-file-constitutiveact_en.pdf
[7] https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/132D6CBDE92946D14CCC64E59A94D3D2/S0003055424000054a.pdf/endogenous-colonial-borders-precolonial-states-and-geography-in-the-partition-of-africa.pdf
[8]
Idem
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